Masked armed men guard Nigeria's elite in this volatile
oil-rich region, but the country's middle class can only lock
their doors and pray each time their children leave home.
Kidnappers who once targeted foreign oil workers are now
abducting children - including one as young as 8 months old -
for whatever ransom they can get.
The abduction crisis has forced the price of German shepherds
to skyrocket, as only the wealthiest can afford private
security in a country where most people earn less than a $US1
($NZ1.41) a day.
President Goodluck Jonathan, himself from the Niger Delta,
has decried the explosion of kidnappings and pledged to use
the military to "crush" those behind it.
"We can no longer continue to live in a society where even if
your wife is going to church, you have to look for an
(armoured personnel carrier) to follow her," Jonathan told a
crowd of ruling party supporters last month.
"If the children are going to school, you have to look for
machine-gun-carrying security people to follow them. How many
people can afford that?" he asked.
Kidnappers once targeted only foreign oil workers and
contractors for six-figure ransoms.
Now, with oil firms keeping their workers hidden behind razor
wire and under paramilitary protection, gangs have
increasingly turned to middle-class Nigerian families.
In recent months, kidnap victims have been as young as an
8-month-old baby seized in Port Harcourt in February.
The primary school-age son of a village chief was seized
while still in his school uniform; the boy was eventually
released, presumably after the kidnappers' demands were met.
Often-targeted doctors have gone on strike to protest the
ransom market.
Nigeria's perpetually underpaid federal police force, whose
officers routinely extort motorists at checkpoints, keep no
official records on the number of kidnappings sweeping the
delta.
However, newspapers carry near-daily reports of kidnappings
and ransom demands, and even the state-run television
broadcaster has had to acknowledge the epidemic.
Those who can afford it hire police officers from units like
the Mobile Police, or "kill-and-go" as Nigerians refer to
them.
A report by the Soros Foundation's Open Society Justice
Initiative suggested about a fourth of the nation's officers
also work as private security guards.
They are a routine sight in Port Harcourt and elsewhere in
the Niger Delta - paramilitary police units outfitted to
battle militants pulling guard duty for the country's elite.
Pickup trucks filled with masked men armed with Kalashnikovs
speed through the streets, sirens wailing, followed by black
sport utility vehicles with tinted windows carrying VIP
clients.
It didn't use to be this way. Foreign oil companies have
worked for 50 years in the Niger Delta, a region of swamps,
mangrove fields and palm-tree-lined creeks.
At first, many foreign oil workers moved freely in a
caterwauling nightlife of prostitutes and cheap drinks as
revolving military dictatorships kept strict and violent
control over the region.
That began to change in the 1990s as local communities began
to run off oil companies.
By 2006, it turned into a full-fledged insurrection, as
militants, upset about the delta's unceasing poverty, blew up
pipelines, kidnapped oil company workers and fought
government troops.
Today, oil companies like Royal Dutch Shell PLC keep workers
ensconced in massive double-fenced compounds or transport
their offshore rig workers directly to the sea from regional
airports.
Much of the militant activity dropped off in recent months
after many gang leaders accepted an amnesty deal offered by
late President Umaru Yar'Adua. However, small arms and
machine guns remain all too prevalent in the region, analysts
say.
"It's the foot soldiers that are kind of left by the wayside.
... They've just got to kidnap what they can," said Mark
Schroeder, the director of sub-Saharan Africa analysis for
the US security think tank STRATFOR.
"The individual in the Nigerian middle class just doesn't
have the security safeguards that the oil workers have."
As a result, middle-class children, as well as priests,
politicians and doctors have been targeted by criminal gangs.
Typically, most are released in a week or two after their
families pay whatever ransom they can scrape together.
Oil workers went for sums upward of 25 million naira
($A196,590).
However, middle-class Nigerian families can pay much less, so
gangs resort to kidnapping more of them to make the same
profits, Schroeder said.
Many victims' families leave the police out of it, for fear
officers in one of the world's most corrupt nations will
demand their own cut.
As a result, figures on kidnappings remain hard to gauge.
The overwhelming poverty and allure of fast money drives
criminality, says local human rights activist Anyakwee
Nsirimovu.
In a nation of 150 million where corruption is rife, some see
it as the only way to get ahead.
"They've created an environment where the only way you can
get what you want is by engaging in criminal activity,
Nsirimovu said.
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