"I did not murder my mother ... What I did ... I did for the
love of my mother".
These few words, printed on the front page of this newspaper
above an image of Sean Davison surrounded by supporters
outside the Dunedin District Court last week, and alongside
an image of himself with his mother Patricia in happier
times, encapsulated in a small way the anguish and despair
accompanying a most devastating of personal situations:
experiencing the slow and painful death of a loved one.
Davison had been on trial, initially for the attempted murder
of his 85-year-old mother Dr Patricia Davison (also known as
Ferguson) after she died on October 25, 2006, following a
fatal dose of morphine. An alternative charge of "inciting
and procuring" his mother to commit suicide was introduced by
the Crown and, with Davison pleading guilty to that charge,
the attempted murder indictment was not pursued.
The critical question asked in the trial was whether, in the
end, Davison did in fact intentionally administer a fatal
dose of morphine in an attempt to end her suffering, as
appeared to have been suggested in an early draft of the book
he subsequently penned, Before We Say Goodbye. If the Crown
could have proved such a contention beyond a reasonable
doubt, then the jury would have been expected by law to find
Davison guilty of attempted murder.
The high-profile case raises once again the issue of
euthanasia and its euphemistic relative, "assisted suicide".
The pro-euthanasia lobby has taken this case of a highly
educated physician and her equally educated son, a
50-year-old South Africa-based microbiology professor, to
highlight perceived shortcomings of the law.
Here, they argue, was a woman of sound mind, who, having been
a doctor for decades, seen illness and death and cared for
people herself, made it clear that she did not want the agony
of a terminal and painful disease prolonged.
All the accused could be guilty of, they say, was a
courageous and selfless act of compassion.
Caught between the depth of his love for his mother, her wish
to be allowed to die with dignity, and his knowledge that to
accelerate her death intentionally and by his own actions was
illegal, he took the only humane course. We treat animals
with greater respect and dignity they argue, insisting the
law should be changed to allow euthanasia.
Compelling as some of the arguments of euthanasia campaigners
might be, relaxing of the law is fraught with possibilities
for abuse. In a world in which familial relations are often
vexed and financial considerations frequently to the fore,
the pressures and opportunities for the infirm and their
families are such that base motives might find their way into
life-ending decisions; further, that elderly people
uncomfortable and afflicted by adverse medical conditions
might be inclined to feel themselves a burden on others and
seek to end their own lives.
The "right to die" could all too easily become a "duty to
die".
Building legal safeguards into liberalisation of the law to
protect the vulnerable would, some say, be practically
impossible. And if the moral compass were to shift in such a
way as to allow for the "termination" of the terminally ill,
why not others - the badly deformed, the severely
intellectually impaired, for example - whose quality of life
is such that their deaths might be considered a mercy?
The last days of a terminal patient's life are usually
attended to by trained doctors and palliative care nurses.
This is as it should be, for this is precisely the time when
those closest to the subject are likely to be in greatest
turmoil. The administration of pain-relief - through such
devices as morphine pumps - in such circumstances is a finely
tuned equation, and one that is best left to the compassion
and expertise of those not emotionally entangled in the
event.
It is not a matter that can easily be legislated for; nor
should the medical judgement of those involved be routinely
tested before the law. If sophisticated and compassionate
palliative care were available for those who needed it,
neither course of action would be necessary. On balance, the
law should stand as it is.
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