What has science to do with international diplomacy? As it
turns out, quite possibly a great deal. Daryl Copeland
explains.
A few weeks ago in Oslo, in the company of about 40 others
invited from around the world, I attended an Organisation for
Economic Co-operation and Development "experts" meeting,
sponsored by the Norwegian and German ministries of education
and research, on the subject of "science, technology,
innovation, and global challenges".
The workshop was predicated upon the shared realisation that
if international policy and decision-makers cannot be
convinced that a radical course correction is needed, then,
in the not-too-distant future, the planet may reach a tipping
point beyond which recovery will be difficult, if not
impossible. Think climate change, diminishing biodiversity,
food insecurity, resource scarcity, pandemic disease, and so
forth.
So, as a group, we were talking about the principal threats
imperilling life on the planet. Not your standard bit of
bureaucratic process.
Earlier this week, I was en route to the University of Otago,
in Dunedin, to speak at a conference entitled "Science
Diplomacy: New Day or False Dawn?"
mong many other speakers at this conference will be Murray
McCully, the foreign affairs minister of New Zealand; Vaughn
Turekian, the head of the science-diplomacy unit at the
American Academy for the Advancement of Science; and Dr
Jeffery Boutwell, the executive director of the US-based
Pugwash Conferences on Science and World Affairs.
Two global gatherings in two months on science, technology,
diplomacy, and international policy: Is it possible that
something's happening here, even if what it is ain't exactly
clear?
Maybe. I certainly hope so.
Here's why (let me try and connect the dots): Guerrilla
Diplomacy's central argument, in its most highly distilled
form, is that if development has, in large part, become the
new security in the age of globalisation, then diplomacy must
displace defence at the centre of international policy.
In this formulation, diplomacy - which is all about
privileging talking over fighting (using non-violent
political communication rather than armed force) to resolve
international disputes - would be placed front and centre in
international relations.
Traditional diplomacy involves the representatives of states
transacting the business of government among themselves. By
way of contrast, public diplomacy (PD) involves envoys using
dialogue, advocacy, and public relations to engage directly
with foreign communities in order to influence their
governments. PD has become a critical component of statecraft
- not just in industrialised countries - and it looms large
in the current literature on diplomatic studies.
Science diplomacy (SD) is a crucial, if underutilised,
component within the PD constellation, and represents a
significant source of soft power - that potent form of
influence that is based on attraction, and that harnesses
national influence, reputation, and brand. Science diplomacy
is significant, not only in its capacity to address many of
Earth's most urgent challenges, but also because it is an
effective emissary of important values, such as
evidence-based learning, openness, and sharing.
The use of science to advance diplomatic ends is distinct
from international scientific co-operation by virtue of its
connection to government interests and objectives.
Co-operation in the enterprise of international science is
typically a win-win proposition. For instance, by pulling
together to find ways to produce clean water, improve
hygiene, or develop disease-resistant crops, all co-operating
nations reap the rewards.
Science diplomacy might produce similar outcomes, but the
results could just as easily be asymmetrical - particularly
if there are negotiations involved. Arms control and
non-proliferation talks during the Cold War, and a whole
constellation of international scientific programmes and
exchanges undertaken during the second half of the last
century, immediately come to mind.
It must be stressed that not all science diplomacy is devoted
to the achievement of specific ends. Covert collaboration
involving, variously, Pakistan, Iran, China, North Korea, and
Libya on nuclear-explosive and missile-propulsion
technologies is an illustrative case in point.
But let's get back to the basics - to the idea of science
itself. In a contested and competitive world of voodoo
economics, bundled derivatives, radical politics, and
religious extremism, science proceeds from the assumption
that misery is not fated - that because all events are
caused, all problems can eventually be solved.
At its best, science might be seen to represent the closest
thing we have to universality, and perhaps even truth.
In the roiling realm of international relations, it merits
considerably more attention than it has recently been
accorded.
It may be that the conference in Dunedin, like the meeting in
Oslo, will break new ground. I certainly hope that is the
case. There is much to be done, and the clock is ticking.
Fast.
• Daryl Copeland is an analyst, author and educator
specialising in diplomacy, international policy, global
issues and public management. He will be speaking at the 2011
University of Otago Foreign Policy School (June 24-26).
A name, residential address, and (preferably residential) telephone number is required from readers who comment on ODT Online. These details will not be visible to site visitors.