Penstocks feed Genesis Energy's Tekapo B power stations on
the shore of Lake Pukaki. Photo by Gerard O'Brien.
Suppose you and your family are failing to make ends
meet. You are consistently spending more than your household
income brings in. But you have some equity in your house.
Well, you could extend your mortgage and use the money to
fund the shortfall. This practice is called "eating the
house" and, packaged up into millions of sub-prime home
loans, it was the kicker for the global financial crisis that
engulfed us all after the US house-price bubble burst in
2006-07.
Of course, the global financial crisis has had its own
consequences. Notably, responsible governments around the
world have run deficits on their own income/spending accounts
to cushion the impact on profits and jobs and thereby prevent
a spiral into economic depression. This is absolutely the
right thing to do, and it has been quite effective, but
people do worry about the need for an "exit strategy" - of
having a plan to get those deficits down as economic
conditions eventually pick up.
In New Zealand, through a mixture of reasonable luck and
prudent regulation of our financial sector, we've not
suffered as badly as some from the global crisis, but the
public sector deficit has gone up (as it should), and the
present government has used this to justify a proposed
programme of sales of shares in state-owned enterprises
(SOEs): up to 49% of four big energy companies, and a
run-down of its 75% share of Air New Zealand.
So, is this just "eating the house" writ large?
Actually, not quite - it's different in two important
respects. The first is that this particular "house" is
actually a portfolio of income-earning assets - big companies
returning solid dividends to their shareholders, being us,
the general public.
These SOEs all compete in their markets with private sector
companies, and they all do it very well. Air New Zealand has
been a brave and brilliant performer in the difficult world
airline industry; the energy companies at least hold their
own or better with their privatised counterparts, here and
abroad.
This means that asset sales are unlikely to have any
fundamental effect on the public sector's true financial
position. We wouldn't be capturing a "privatisation premium",
because it isn't there to capture. We would just be replacing
one type of asset on the balance sheet - profitable companies
- for another - "cash".
The second difference is in the nature of these SOEs. The
proposed asset sales are extraordinarily unpopular with the
general public. People who would not dream of petitioning the
Government to nationalise the production of cars, clothes,
TVs, haircuts - just about anything we consume - are
nevertheless determinedly opposed to even a partial sell-down
of these particular enterprises. So are we just stupid, or
inconsistent, or do we know something the Government doesn't?
I'd say we do know something.
The key difference between Air New Zealand and the energy
companies on the one hand, and the folk who make our
cornflakes on the other, is that the SOEs truly merit the
designation of being "strategic" businesses for our country.
The airline is our proud national carrier, and the single
most important player in our largest export industry -
tourism. Would we want to risk new private-sector
shareholders' - possibly other airlines - pressure to pull it
back from its flagship long-haul routes or - worse - expand
with rash acquisitions of the sort that brought the airline
to near bankruptcy under its wretched private owners in 2001?
Electricity is an essential part of our economic and social
infrastructure, depending still on very low-cost hydro power
that is most vulnerable to "cash cow" plundering, as we have
suffered before in New Zealand in the privatised
telecommunication and rail sectors.
Confronted with unpopularity but unwilling to put
privatisation in the too-hard basket, the Government has
tried to sweeten the political pill by "earmarking"
asset-sale revenues for more attractive-sounding projects
such as IT investments for schools and more funding for
Kiwibank.
Economically, this is nonsense. The public sector receives
vast sums of money every year, of which any asset sale
revenue would be a very small part, and spends even vaster
sums in total, of which IT for schools would also be a very
small part.
It's all money. There is absolutely no linkage between these
small parts. If the new projects are attractive in their own
right - and they sound good to me - they should (and will!)
be financed and carried out, regardless of asset sales.
Treasury must be tearing their hair out with this
contravention of the principles of sound public finance, as
they did when the previous government attempted to link its
forced-savings "Cullen Fund" with the provision of pensions a
generation hence.
There are other issues. One is where the NZ households at
whom the asset sales are aimed will get the money to pay for
their shares. Most of us don't have a box of money under the
bed earmarked "for privatisation purchases only".
We'd have to sell off existing shareholdings, or divert
savings from other productive uses. Or, even, take out
another mortgage on the house.
• Tim Hazeldine is professor of economics at the
University of Auckland.
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