David Cunliffe. Photo supplied.
In the first of a series in which political party finance
spokespeople respond to the Government's signalled intentions
on tax, GST and the economy, David Cunliffe outlines Labour's
position.
Our tax system is far less progressive than many countries,
including Australia.
ON January 20, the Tax Working Group (TWG) published options
to make the tax system fairer and more effective, placing the
ball squarely in the Government's court.
On Tuesday, Prime Minister John Key, delivering his annual
speech, dropped the ball.
The Government's plan is mediocre, lacking in vision and the
numbers do not appear to add up.
It is now clear the tax group's primary role has been to give
National a veil of respectability so it can lower the top tax
rate and call it a "step change", funded by a rise in GST
that despite the rhetoric - will hit lower and middle income
families hard.
Labour believes tax change must meet three tests.
It must be fair to all, grow the real economy, and be
politically sustainable.
National's plan appears to fail all three.
Equity requires that each member of society pays a fair share
relative to their ability to pay.
New Zealanders have long accepted that it is fair for those
who can pay a little more to do so, hence we have a mildly
progressive tax system.
The mantra that "3% of income earners pay 23% of tax" is
demolished by the reality that the top 3% earn nearly 20% of
total declared income. Our tax system is far less progressive
than many countries, including Australia.
We all share common interest in a fair society that functions
well.
There is ample evidence that fairer societies perform better
economically.
Ordinary citizens depend on good quality public services more
than those who can afford to buy their way out through
private health and education.
Cuts to revenue are inevitably followed by cuts to services.
Closing tax avoidance loopholes is crucial to achieve a fair
and effective tax system.
Only half of the 100 wealthiest New Zealanders pay the top
tax rate of 38%.
The TWG argued legal avoidance through tax planning trusts,
LAQCs and savings vehicles (PIEs, 30%) has gone too far and
must be restrained.
Oddly, no mention was made of this in the PM's statement.
The TWG also argued for alignment of the top personal rate
with the trust and company rates, a goal only Mexico and the
Slovak Republic have achieved.
This would mean a dramatic and fiscally expensive cut to the
top personal rate.
The TWG estimates a cost of $1.6 billion annually to achieve
alignment at 30%-30%-30%, or $2.5 billion for 30-30-25 (with
a lower company tax rate).
Given the Government's reminder that, despite the now strong
growth forecast, we face a decade of fiscal deficits, revenue
neutrality requires that the billions given back to top
taxpayers have to be raised elsewhere.
At the heart of the dilemma is whether this can be achieved
without shifting the net tax burden to middle income families
and the battlers who have struggled bravely through the
recession.
Raising GST to 15% would potentially raise up to $1.9
billion, but if the PM is to be taken at his word, the TWG
estimates it would cost virtually the entire amount to
insulate lower and middle income earners from the rising
living costs that higher GST implies.
In other words, fully offset GST makes virtually no net
contribution to funding upper income tax cuts, unless the
PM's smiling rhetoric is not matched by budget reality.
Even if moderate income earners were compensated for the
direct cost of GST, the equity consequences of the tax
package based on equalising the top personal, trust and
company rates, under any of the Government's scenarios, would
be dire.
With a top personal tax rate at 30%, someone on the PM's
salary gets an extra $500 a week, someone on the average wage
gets 35c a week, and the hard-pressed minimum wage-earner
gets nothing.
The Government ruled out many options suggested by the TWG,
such as a land tax, an imputed risk-free return method of
taxing rental property, and a comprehensive capital gains
tax.
That leaves very little to fund income tax change and correct
the property tax hole.
Deloitte estimates removing building depreciation would net
only $0.7 billion to $1 billion.
PWC's John Shewan, who sat on the TWG, warned that the TWG
never intended all building depreciation to be removed.
That leaves only removing depreciation loading on short-lived
assets ($0.3 billion), which would hurt innovation and high
tech; and changes to thin capitalisation thresholds ($0.2
billion).
The PM has hinted ring fencing property losses could be
considered.
There is no fiscal free lunch.
To give big income tax cuts at the top end, there does not
appear enough to fully compensate lower and middle income
earners for the rise in GST.
National has signally failed to meet expectations.
As Bernard Hickey, of interest.co.nz, writes: "John Key has
just sent Generations X and Y a clear message: Leave the
country now."
It has failed the political sustainability test by rejecting
a bipartisan approach.
Labour will continue to consider the TWG report seriously,
and will develop its own responses in a careful, considered
way.
Unlike National, Labour believes that having enough to make
ends meet today, and building a better future for our kids,
must both be achieved in any changes that New Zealand makes.
• David Cunliffe is Labour's finance
spokesman.
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