Alan Collier outlines the case for reintroducing an
"upper house" in the New Zealand Parliament.
The four voting options to be put to the people in the
planned referendum do not go far enough.
The electoral reform that introduced MMP in 1996 provided
some relief from decades of exhaustion brought on by rapid
policy changes and the gradual breakdown of public trust and
confidence in politicians and Parliament.
But New Zealand stands alone among Westminster democracies in
having a single chamber of national Parliament.
And the opportunity to review the system of voting for the
lower house is the ideal time to review the structure of
Parliament itself.
New Zealand needs to re-introduce an upper house.
It will provide scrutiny and accountability on the government
that no system of lower house committees can ever do.
MMP was meant to remove the status of Parliament as a mere
cipher of the government.
It has gone part of the way, but MMP is a cure almost as bad
as the disease.
Properly designed, an upper house can be an effective brake
on government excess, it can probe deeply into government
conduct and it can provide for minority representation.
It should have extensive power, but not the power to break
governments by rejecting or amending money bills.
And an upper house can reduce the total number of MPs while
improving representation and governance.
It can do this by eliminating list MPs.
List MPs are elected to Parliament without any mandate,
without a constituency, and without accountability to the
people.
They are elected because a party has selected them and placed
them on a list.
There could be few systems better devised to create time
serving and sinecures without any regard to the suitability
of candidates.
A total of 52 list MPs are provided a parliamentary seat, in
some cases potentially for life, without being directly
answerable to the electorate or any constituency.
Seats in an upper house of Parliament can be created by
abolishing list MPs.
This would not disturb the 70 MPs at present returned by
individual and Maori electorates who would continue to
constitute the House of Representatives.
I propose an upper house comprising six regional electorates
based on the original six provinces of New Zealand.
Three in the south (Nelson, Canterbury and Otago), and three
in the north (Auckland, Taranaki and Wellington).
Three electorates in each island offers geographical fairness
in a way similar to the United States Senate, which returns
two senators from each State regardless of population.
Each of the six upper house electorates could return, say,
five members on a proportional representation basis,
returning a total of 30 members to an upper house, a
reduction of almost one-half on the number of list MPs
presently returned.
And, by representing an electorate, each new upper house
member will be accountable to the electors of a province
rather than chosen by their party on the basis of reliable
party service.
Like other Westminster democracies, ministers could be chosen
from both upper and lower houses.
Minor parties retain the opportunity of having members
elected to the upper house because proportional
representation reduces the quota necessary to gain election.
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