The pros and cons of what exactly are local government's
"core activities" continue to be debated by the public in a
somewhat desultory fashion, while it is obvious central
government has long embarked on providing the statutory means
by which local councils can shed what might once have been
regarded as essential services in favour of the private
sector.
Some of this activity has been populist political - Act New
Zealand leader Rodney Hide's determination to cut
"profligate" council spending comes to mind - but some also
is ideological.
Lobbyists seeking the furtherance of private/public
partnerships claim a rule of thumb that suggests if it is
feasible and cost-effective to charge directly for a service,
then it is not a "public good" for which the costs should be
equally shared.
They claim a great many services provided by councils in 2010
are actually in the nature of "private goods", and could be
provided more efficiently in partnership between councils and
the private sector, or by the private sector alone.
In broad terms, this means the provision of water supplies
and services, and roads, all funded on a user-pays basis.
The public, it is fair to say, have yet to be convinced; and
indeed it is clear from recent statements by some politicians
sensitive to that doubt that there is a wide gap to be
bridged.
When the Minister for the Environment recently announced new
regulations requiring "significant" water users to be metered
within two years, he was at some pains to state that the
measures would not include households using water for
domestic purposes.
This is, however, something of a charade.
There can surely be no doubt now that potable water use for
any purpose, be it domestic, industrial or agricultural, will
eventually be governed by meters and charged for accordingly.
It is the most precious commodity sustaining human life, and
it is getting scarcer as greater and greater demands are made
upon the resource.
Like all commodities in such circumstances, its value is
increasing.
A form a rationing is inevitable.
This process is already occurring in New Zealand.
In Central Otago, for example, proposals for a daily water
allocation recommended for residents on drinking-water
schemes is being widely discussed.
Metered charging for domestic use above a nominal allocation,
though relatively exceptional at present, is sure to become
universal in time.
Dunedin's strategic plans for water use, and the gradual
installation of the street-side means by which water can be
metered, mean a similar outcome for its citizens.
Few would argue that water for human consumption should be
wasted; most would accept that the distribution of it should
in equity be controlled.
The next issue, however, is where the control should lie.
Without metering, urban water supplies cannot be privatised;
this, argue the critics, is the reason why metering is being
installed, so water can be treated as a commodity and sold
for a private profit.
This is actually far from the case.
Mr Hide's Local Government Amendment Act 2002 Amendment Bill,
which has received its first reading in Parliament and will
now be further considered in select committee, enables local
councils to offer tenders to private companies to provide
water services for up to 35 years, essentially a technical
change since councils can already take that action, but only
for a 15-year period.
He has argued that the change is necessary because 15 years
is not sufficient to enable an adequate return on the
economic life of water assets.
In other words, his Bill is designed to make the possibility
of privately contracting water services more attractive.
But even if the Bill survives without radical change, it does
not necessarily mean water services will be privatised.
Indeed, councils will retain control of services should they
opt to have components contracted to private providers; the
restrictions on the sale of council water services in the
Local Government Act 2002 remain.
There are several hurdles councils have to jump before they
can contract such services to the private sector, not the
least of which is a requirement to consult communities
beforehand, although the Bill as presently drawn - according
to some interpretations - may threaten protections that
require local government to retain control of ownership and
management of water.
The Bill does, however, raise potential opportunities of
particular relevance to Dunedin which, as the recently
disclosed Three Waters strategy explained, claimed very large
sums will have to be spent on infrastructure, such as
underground pipes, in the next few decades to maintain
services now at limited risk of collapse.
Does this mean charges for water supplies to households above
a minimum? How much, if any, of this extremely large problem
would turn out to be cost-beneficial to ratepayers if the
means of solution was "privatised"? Is the private sector
likely to be more efficient in delivering services? These are
questions candidates for the next council should be asked and
will have to eventually consider, if elected.
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