Gun laws in New Zealand have for decades been a moving target
- and an armour-plated one at that.
The protection comes both from the complexity of the law, and
associated issues of cultural and social import, but also
through the inability of our politicians to act decisively on
the matter.
Resolve in this respect has been weakened by there being no
consistent mandate to move radically in any particular
direction.
But in the discussions of gun law and control following the
murder of Senior Constable Len Snee by Jan Molenaar, shot
with a .223 calibre rifle - just one of a reported cache of
about 18 weapons illegally held by the late gunman - two
points of note arise: guns of varying calibre and legality
have proliferated in recent years, particularly among the
criminal fraternity; and the internet has played a signifcant
role in their distribution and accessibility.
It is illegal to sell weapons to a person who is not a
licensed firearms holder, but in private internet
transactions only the scruples of the vendor stand between a
legal exchange and an illicit deal - and this represents a
worrying loophole in the current control framework.
Ownership and use of firearms in New Zealand are governed
through the Arms Act 1983, which was amended in 1992 after
the Aramoana killings.
The 1983 Act removed gun registration - thought to be
prohibitively expensive and ineffective - and instead
introduced the licensing of users; except for about 4% of
guns - namely automatic weapons and handguns.
Following the David Gray massacres at Aramoana in November
1990, the 1992 amendments banned so-called "Rambo-style"
military weapons, introduced a new category of
"military-style semi-automatic" which, like pistols, required
a special endorsement, and limited licences to 10 years - at
which point re-vetting would occur.
The last major address of gun laws was Sir Thomas Thorp's
1997 report - which followed an extensive review.
Among his recommendations were new restrictions on legal gun
ownership, including the controversial reintroduction of gun
registration.
The National government in 1999 introduced an Arms Amendment
(No 2) Bill to implement the recommendations, subsequently
taken up by the Labour government that assumed office that
same year.
But following the torrent of submissions made against the
Bill when it was in select committee, the Government
substantially parked the changes.
A further amended Bill went back to select committee in 2005,
where it has remained in limbo ever since.
Prime Minister John Key, Police Minister Judith Collins and
Labour leader Phil Goff are all entertaining the possibility
that aspects of the laws may need to be revisited - at least
with respect to the ease of access.
Predictably, in the tense and emotional aftermath of the
Napier shootings, lobbyists have made calls for more
far-reaching moves, including a reversion to registration.
It is, however, 12 years now since Sir Thomas Thorp made that
recommendation, and 26 years since registration ceased to be
the practice in this country.
In that time, the number of guns has multiplied almost
exponentially.
Locating them all and mustering them through a registration
process would be an all but impossible and arguably futile
process.
The majority of law-abiding and responsible gun owners would
fall into line - but the very people such initiatives are
aimed at would avoid complying, either by simply stashing
their weaponry or by neglecting to come forward.
As Mr Goff himself said this week, "the horse has bolted".
Gun ownership in New Zealand is not a cakewalk.
Licences are issued only after rigorous examination of a
candidate's suitability, including mental health screening,
interviews with family members or relatives, and inspection
of the household security storage facilities.
There are thought to be about 225,000 licensed firearms
owners in the country, with about 1.2 million guns.
Unfortunately, when it comes to regulation, there is no
foolproof mechanism to prevent dangerous people from
obtaining licences, and unsuitable persons can and will
continue to access firearms illegally.
But this remains a target at which the most fruitful efforts
can perhaps be aimed: Mrs Collins this week noted that she
would be asking police to consider the issue of online gun
sales.
The logic is plausible.
For while it is impossible to legislate for human behaviour,
there are perfectly effective laws controlling the sale of
various other goods and there must be methods at least to
make it harder for lethal weapons to fall into the wrong
hands.
Asserting greater control over internet sales would certainly
be a good place to start.
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