Having stitched up a deal with the Maori Party on its revised
Emissions Trading Scheme - which has exercised
environmentalists and received only lukewarm plaudits from
two of the revised scheme's more notable beneficiaries,
industry and agriculture - the Government might venture to
suggest that since no-one is entirely happy it must have the
numbers about right.
But not for nothing has the scheme, in its various
incarnations, been dubbed "controversial"; wherever the
balance was struck, it was never going to please and appease
all parties.
Act New Zealand, for instance, remains the only confirmed
climate-change denying party in the country and no amount of
fiddling with the previous Labour-led government's scheme,
save an almost total demolition, would have garnered its
favour.
The Green Party, unsurprisingly, would consider any watering
down of the scheme unacceptable, and the Maori Party, with
major interests in forestry, farming and fisheries - and with
large numbers of low income voters in its constituency -
appeared not to want such a scheme at all, preferring a
carbon tax.
And while some might question the Labour Party's apparent
willingness to revisit its own legislation, even if its own
priorities in the trade-off between environmental virtue and
economic cost differed markedly from the Government's, it
appeared to recognise the political expediency in reaching a
broad accord over an issue that will reverberate beyond the
lives of the next several parliaments.
In the event, having begun negotiations with Labour, National
left it like a bride at the altar and ran off with the
initially coy Maori Party.
This failure to establish a two-party consensus will have
consequences if and when the political pendulum swings back
to the Left and if National's scheme comes to be seen - as is
already being claimed by its opponents, including spurned
Labour leader Phil Goff - as so compromised as to be
essentially meaningless. But this is certainly not how
National, nor its supporters, however lukewarm, see it.
The big question for the Government has been how to be seen -
ahead of the Copenhagen climate meetings in December - to be
making a meaningful contribution to mitigating the effects of
emission-induced climate change as a good global citizen
should, but to be so doing in a manner that does not place an
undue burden on industry and agriculture, and thus
circumscribe economic growth; nor, in the midst of a
recession, place too much immediate cost on the individual
consumer.
The proposed new scheme, which it will be able to pass into
law with the support of Peter Dunne's United Future vote, and
that of the Maori Party, seeks to achieve this by, in the
first instance, delaying entry of agriculture into the ETS
from 2013 until 2015.
Likewise the proposals have electrical and industrial
processes delayed by six months until July next year, but
also will offer liquid fossil fuels and industrial processes
a "two-for-one" deal until 2013 whereby these sectors have to
surrender only one carbon unit for every two emissions they
make.
In addition, producers with overseas competitors will be able
to increase their emissions without penalty as long as they
can prove they are efficient.
On the domestic front, the Government claims that the
proposed changes will restrict the rise in electricity prices
to 5% rather than the 10% envisaged under the current scheme,
and likewise contain the rises in petrol and diesel to about
3.5c a litre as opposed to 7c.
The changes intentionally put the brakes on what the previous
Labour-led government's critics often regarded as New
Zealand's reckless charge to the front of the queue on such
matters. And they have found some degree of support from the
business, agriculture and energy sectors on mitigating the
potential economic drag of the ETS.
Mindful of the degree of environmental literacy in the
electorate, the Government has been at pains to stress the
need to address the climate change issue.
But like Labour, Greenpeace has been scathing in its
assessment of the changes, calling them "pathetic" and
suggesting that under the new scheme "emissions will just
keep rising and taxpayers, rather than polluters, will have
to pay for them". Whether this is true or not, only time will
tell.
In the face of climate change with its dire predicted
consequences, all countries are having to grapple with
striking a similar balance, nuanced according to the demands
of their individual economies and political sensitivities.
This is new territory. There is an element of guesswork and
gamble in reaching all such accords. National has, for better
or for worse, both spurned Labour's hand and taken a
conservative approach. In the short term this is likely to
pay handsome political dividends; in the longer term, it may
prove to be less advantageous - electorally and
environmentally.
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