
However, although the rationale behind this and other recommendations from a group set up by Local Government New Zealand (LGNZ) is sound, it will take more than good ideas to move the needle on falling turnout.
Between 1989 and 2022, the percentage of those on the electoral rolls casting ballots for local politicians fell from a mediocre 56% to a low 42%. Levels in the South in 2022 were higher, ranging from 44.5% for Queenstown Lakes to 53.4% for Gore. Other rates were Invercargill 53.2%, Clutha 53.1%, Waitaki 51%, Dunedin 49.9%, Southland 49.7% and Central Otago 48.1%.
All these figures were lower than those recorded in 2019.
Local authorities might lack the clout of central government, especially these days as more tasks and policy matters are centralised. Nevertheless, councils affect the lives of citizens and ratepayers in numerous significant ways.
Local government also suffers, to a lesser extent, from increasing scepticism, mistrust, and sometimes divisiveness. The Otago Regional Council, in particular, often splits between two blocs.
LGNZ set up an Electoral Reform Working Group chaired by Nelson Mayor and former Cabinet minister Nick Smith. It included five other district council mayors or councillors, and University of Otago law professor Andrew Geddis.
Its report, presented last week, lamented the falling voter turnout and recommended various ways to arrest the decline. One focus was on the election itself.
Despite the allure of electronic voting, the group took advice from security agencies and concluded the risk of breaches for elections of this magnitude and importance remains too high. Trust in electronic voting could be another concern. Perhaps, too, the "digital-first" census debacle of 2018 was in the minds of group members.
The present postal system was criticised for its deterioration and slowness. There are also questions about engagement. Some young people these days do not even have letterboxes.
Instead, the group pointed to yesteryear, advocating in-person voting at polling booths as the only viable option, despite the obvious extra expenses. It also argued that the Electoral Commission, complete with well-recognised Orange Man and dog, should run the elections across the country.

The group envisages elections every four years, instead of three, alternating with a four-year national election cycle. Although the Electoral Commission idea could proceed if there is the will, a lot of water would have to flow through the council pipes before the four-year cycles could happen. The possibility of snap elections and governments losing votes of supply and confidence could also upset this rhythm.
The booths would be in frequently visited places and open for two weeks.
The group notes the lack of knowledge about candidates favours those with high name recognition, no new phenomenon. Once, it was local radio personalities who always had a head start. Sporting stars or ex-parliamentarians also have similar advantages.
Encouraged are neutral hosting of three-minute videos by candidates, answers to stock questions and "meet the candidates" events. The 150-word blurb and photo candidates supplied to accompany the voting papers were deemed insufficient.
LGNZ, as in 2022, has partnered with Policy.nz to create an online platform for candidate information.
The decline in local media, more evident in other parts of the country where many community newspapers have shut, "represents a threat to democracy".
The group sees merit in adopting similar voting methods to national elections, noting the much higher turnout. The Electoral Commission also had the independence and security to best protect election integrity.
The group’s back-to-the-future recommendation on polling booths is unlikely to make a major difference to turnout. But, given the trends and difficulties of postal voting, it deserves further serious consideration.